Data, print, and mail under one roof, on one schedule, with the discretion a contested race demands. No vendor handoffs, no lost days, no leaks.
Voter file hygiene, printing, and USPS entry handled in-house. One team owns the whole job.
Production scheduled backward from election day, with a firm in-home date you can plan around.
Separate areas for competing campaigns, NDAs on request, and no public mention of your race.
A registered State of Florida vendor, the credential party committees and PACs look for.
Multiple vendors mean coordination failures, finger-pointing, and missed deadlines. One mistake can cost you the race.
Without personalization, your message lands in the trash. Voters ignore mail that doesn't speak to their precinct, their issues.
Print shops book up 6-8 weeks before elections. Wait too long and you're paying rush fees - or worse, scrambling for anyone with availability.
Data processing. Printing. Mailing. No handoffs. No excuses.
Versions Per Job
Precinct-level personalization. Different message for different voters.
National Reach
Statewide and congressional campaigns, mailed from one secure facility.
Pieces Annually
Capacity for congressional races or local ballot initiatives.
Established
35+ years of political mail experience. We've seen every scenario.
Free quote. No obligation.
You send artwork + voter file. We clean and prep.
CASS, NCOA, dedupe. Postal optimization.
Digital presses. Variable data ready. Every piece personalized.
Inkjet addressing. Presort bundling. Tray labels.
Documented for campaign finance. In the mail stream.
🔍 Have a file ready? - Check your print files for free before submitting - checks DPI, bleed, CMYK, and font embedding in 30 seconds.
Your opponent won't know we exist.
Peak season capacity (Aug-Oct) fills 8+ weeks out. Smart campaigns lock in production windows NOW.
Reserve Your Window →Quick response during business hours. No obligations.
Detailed invoices ready for FEC/state reporting
Production scheduled to your campaign calendar and in-home dates
We source and clean official state voter data
We'll get back to you promptly during business hours.
No minimums. We handle local races (500 pieces) and congressional campaigns (500,000+) with the same attention to detail. Every job matters.
Standard turnaround is 5-7 business days, timed to your campaign calendar and in-home dates. Rush production (24-48 hours) is available for urgent needs like an opposition response or a same-week GOTV drop.
Yes. Up to 100+ unique versions per job, personalized by precinct, voter history, party affiliation, or custom segments. Different message for different voters - same mail drop.
Complete discretion. No client lists published, NDAs available, separate production areas for competing campaigns, no social media posts about your race, and files deleted after delivery.
Yes. Detailed invoices with quantities, dates, and costs for FEC and state campaign finance reporting. We know what treasurers need.
Yes. We source targeted voter files from official state sources and run NCOA/CASS to maximize deliverability. Tell us your targeting criteria and we'll pull the data.
Florida holds its 2026 statewide primary on August 18, 2026, per the Florida Department of State Division of Elections official 2026 calendar. The general election is November 3, 2026. Municipal, special district, and runoff dates vary, so confirm your specific race against the Florida Division of Elections 2026 calendar before scheduling political mail.
Federal candidate and committee mail must carry a 'Paid for by' disclaimer meeting FEC formatting and conspicuousness rules. Florida state and local political advertising has its own disclaimer requirements under Florida election law, including the political advertisement identifier for many committees. Exact wording, placement, and type size matter, and final responsibility rests with the campaign and its counsel.
Mail Processing Associates produces most First-Class political mail in 3 to 5 business days from approved data and artwork. To hit a drop date, count backward from election day: USPS in-home delivery time, plus production days, plus internal approval and data prep. Campaigns that plan the calendar early almost never miss.
Yes. Printing and mailing happen under one roof at our Lakeland, Florida facility: file check and prepress, press, addressing, presort, and direct USPS entry. One vendor means one schedule and one point of accountability, with no handoff between a print shop and a separate mail house, which is where political deadlines most often break.
Yes. Florida is home turf, but Mail Processing Associates serves businesses in all 50 states from a single Lakeland facility, and that includes campaigns, party committees, and PACs. Out-of-state jobs enter the USPS network the day production finishes, and we plan the mailing schedule around destination transit time so the in-home window holds.
Budget three components: postage, printing, and mail prep. Postage anchors for July 2026: a presorted First-Class letter runs $0.707 per piece and a First-Class postcard $0.495, both at the Mixed automation tier, while a USPS Marketing Mail letter runs $0.467, also Mixed tier. Saturation campaigns can run at about $0.29 per piece for EDDM through MPA. Printing and prep vary with format, paper, and quantity, so the exact per-piece cost comes from a quote built for your race and route.
Artwork is locked when you approve the final proof, and that approval starts the production clock. Before proof approval, changes are routine, including disclaimer corrections our team flags during prepress. After approval, a change means a new proof and a new clock, so we time the approval deadline against your drop date and tell you exactly when it is.
Your campaign and its counsel own the disclaimer's legal content: what it says and which committee it identifies. Our team makes sure it prints correctly: right position, legible type size, and present on every version of a variable data job. Prepress flags pieces that appear to be missing a disclaimer or indicia element before anything runs, because catching it on screen costs minutes and catching it after printing costs days.
A campaign mailer is a printed political advertisement - a postcard, letter, or flyer - delivered through USPS to targeted voters ahead of an election. Mail Processing Associates prints and mails campaign pieces in-house from Lakeland, Florida, handling everything from 500-piece city council races to 500,000-piece congressional programs with voter-file targeting and campaign-finance-ready documentation. Standard turnaround is 5-7 business days, with 24-48 hour rush production available when the calendar gets tight.
As Florida's leading political direct mail provider, Mail Processing Associates has been serving campaigns across the Sunshine State since 1989. From city council races in Tampa to statewide gubernatorial campaigns, we've printed and mailed millions of pieces that help candidates connect with voters. Our Lakeland facility is strategically positioned to serve political campaigns in Tampa, Orlando, Jacksonville, Miami, Lakeland, St. Petersburg, Fort Lauderdale, Tallahassee, and every district in between.
Our political campaign mail services include full-color postcard printing, targeted voter mail, EDDM saturation mailings, variable data personalization, and complete mailing list services. Whether you're running for city council in Tampa, county commissioner in Orange County, state legislature in Tallahassee, or statewide office, we handle the entire production process under one roof - data processing, printing, and postal entry - so you can focus on your message and your voters.
The 2026 Florida election cycle is approaching fast. Smart campaigns are already planning their direct mail strategy. Florida's primary election is typically held in late August 2026, with the general election on November 3, 2026. Municipal elections, school board races, and special elections run throughout the year. Early voting begins approximately two weeks before election day, making your mail timing critical - voters need to see your message before they cast their ballots.
For primary election campaigns, we recommend beginning your direct mail production planning 8-12 weeks before your target in-home date. Peak political mail season (August through early November) fills quickly - campaigns that lock in production windows early avoid the capacity crunch that leaves last-minute campaigns scrambling.
Florida's political landscape demands a mail partner who understands the stakes. With 22 million residents, 30 congressional districts, and thousands of local races, the state's political mail volume is enormous. MPA processes 10+ million pieces annually from our Lakeland, Florida production facility. We're a registered State of Florida vendor - a credential that matters for campaigns working with party committees and PACs.
Our variable data printing capabilities let you send 100+ unique versions in a single mail drop - different messages for different precincts, voter history segments, or demographic targets. Combined with our in-house CASS/NCOA address processing and direct USPS presort, your campaign gets maximum deliverability at the lowest possible postage rates. See our complete postcard rate guide for current pricing, or learn more about effective political direct mail strategies that win races.
Winning campaigns start with the right data. We source targeted voter mailing lists from official Florida voter files, filtered by party affiliation, voting history, precinct, age, and custom criteria. Our data team runs NCOA (National Change of Address) and CASS certification to maximize deliverability and minimize wasted postage. Learn more about our targeted mailing list services for your campaign.
Political campaign mailers come in many formats - oversized postcards for maximum impact, letter packages for detailed policy messaging, door hangers for GOTV walks, and palm cards for event distribution. Beyond the mailbox, we also print campaign yard signs for high-traffic intersections and detailed brochures for door-to-door canvassing and town halls. Our design team can help optimize your creative for print production, or we'll work directly with your campaign's designers and consultants. Explore proven political mailer strategies that drive voter engagement.
Ready to discuss your 2026 campaign's direct mail needs? Contact MPA today for a confidential consultation. We work with candidates from both parties, maintain strict confidentiality between competing campaigns, and provide the detailed invoicing your campaign treasurer needs for FEC and state campaign finance reporting.
Get your campaign quote today. No obligations.
Political mail services live or die on the calendar. Every drop date works backward from a fixed election day, and the campaigns that plan production early are the ones still in the mailbox when undecided voters make up their minds. Here is how the 2026 cycle maps out in Florida.
November 3, 2026
Fixed by federal law as the Tuesday after the first Monday in November. Every other date on your campaign calendar is built backward from this one.
August 18, 2026
Florida holds its 2026 statewide primary on August 18, 2026, per the Florida Department of State Division of Elections official 2026 calendar. Municipal, special district, and runoff dates vary, so confirm your specific race against the Florida Division of Elections 2026 calendar before locking your mail schedule.
Approx. 40 days out
Florida supervisors begin mailing requested vote-by-mail ballots roughly 40 to 33 days before an election. The voter request deadline falls about 12 days before election day. Your absentee chase and ballot-cure mail has to be in homes inside this window to matter.
Mail Processing Associates produces most First-Class political mail in 3 to 5 business days from approved data and artwork. To hit a drop date, count backward: 2 to 5 days USPS in-home delivery time, plus 3 to 5 production days, plus your internal approval and data-prep time. A persuasion piece targeting the general election should be in production no later than the third week of October 2026. An absentee chase piece should be approved and in data prep the moment your county opens its vote-by-mail window. The campaigns that miss are almost never the ones that planned the calendar early.
USPS runs two distinct programs for campaign season, and the distinction decides how a mailing is identified, tracked, and handled inside the postal network. Political Mail and Official Election Mail carry different tags, serve different senders, and follow different rules. USPS documents both programs at postalpro.usps.com, and a vendor that mails campaign work every cycle should be able to explain the difference without looking it up.
Mail sent for campaign purposes by a registered candidate, a campaign committee, a political party committee, or a PAC: persuasion pieces, fundraising appeals, GOTV reminders, and slate mail. Trays and containers are flagged with the red Tag 57 so postal facilities can identify campaign mail and move it with election-season attention. This is the mail MPA produces for campaigns and committees, and it travels at regular First-Class or USPS Marketing Mail prices with the tag riding along at no extra cost.
Mail created by an authorized election official for voters: ballots, sample ballots, voter registration cards, absentee applications, and polling place notifications. It moves under the green Tag 191 with its own visibility and handling standards inside USPS. If your office administers elections rather than runs in them, that work belongs with our government mail services instead of this page.
"Every qualifying campaign job that leaves our dock is flagged with the red Political Mail tag, USPS Tag 57, so postal crews can see it and handle it with election sensitivity. The tag costs a campaign nothing. USPS research finds approximately 90% of households open direct mail (USPS Mail Moments Review 2024), which makes the mailbox the one channel voters reliably check, and the tag is how you protect your place in it."
Cat Boye, Head of Commercial Operations, Mail Processing Associates
The tags also matter for visibility once mail is in the stream. Political mail moves with Intelligent Mail barcode tracking like any presorted mailing, which means a campaign can know when trays reach the destination facility and when pieces begin delivering. That is the difference between guessing an in-home date and planning a phone bank around one. In the peak weeks before a primary or general, that visibility is what lets a campaign time digital pushes and door knocks to land with the mail instead of days before it.
Why this matters when choosing a vendor: requesting the tags, flagging the mailing at postal entry, and timing drops around election-season volume are habits, not features. Ask any prospective political mail vendor how they identify campaign mail at USPS entry. A blank look answers the question.
A political mail piece that violates disclaimer or indicia rules is not just a fine risk. It is a piece that can be pulled, reprinted, and re-dropped on a calendar that does not forgive lost days. Getting compliance right the first time is a speed advantage, not just a legal one.
Political mail moves under the same USPS indicia and permit rules as any other mail class. Bulk political mail is typically entered as USPS Marketing Mail or First-Class, each with its own indicia format, minimum piece counts, and presort requirements. The indicia must be printed correctly, in the right position, tied to a valid permit, or the mailing does not enter. We carry the permits and validate indicia before the job runs so a permit error never costs you a drop date.
Federal candidate and committee mail must carry a "Paid for by" disclaimer that meets FEC formatting and conspicuousness rules. Florida state and local political advertising carries its own disclaimer requirements under Florida election law, including political disclaimer language and, for many committees, the political advertisement identifier. The exact wording, placement, and type size matter. For the full breakdown of formatting and placement, see our guide to political mail indicia requirements.
Compliance rules change between cycles and vary by office and jurisdiction. We flag likely disclaimer and indicia issues during prepress, but final legal responsibility for disclaimer content rests with the campaign or committee and its counsel. We move fast precisely because we catch these before the press runs, not after.
Political mail services in Florida are not one piece. A campaign runs a sequence, and each stage has a different job, a different audience cut, and a different deadline. Mail Processing Associates produces over 10 million mail pieces a year and serves businesses and campaigns in all 50 states from a single Lakeland, Florida facility, which means your full sequence runs under one roof on one calendar.
Sent to undecided and soft-support voters in the weeks before an election. Heavily designed, message-tested, often variable by voter segment. This is where most of the budget goes and where production quality is most visible. It has to be in homes early enough to move opinion, not on election eve.
Sent in the final days to identified supporters. The job is turnout, not persuasion. Timing is unforgiving: a GOTV piece that lands the day after the election is wasted spend. This is where a tight, predictable production turnaround is the difference between an effective drop and a write-off.
Timed to your county's vote-by-mail window. Reminds requested-ballot voters to return them and, where applicable, supports ballot cure outreach. This sequence is driven entirely by the supervisor of elections calendar, which is why we build it backward from your jurisdiction's certified dates.
Shared mail carrying multiple candidates or a party or organization slate. Often coordinated across several campaigns with shared data and split costs. Coordination adds approval complexity, so the production partner has to hold a firm calendar while multiple stakeholders sign off.
Last updated May 2026 for the 2026 Florida election cycle
Bulk political mail is only as good as the list behind it, and the channel rewards getting the list right: 42% of recipients read or scan direct mail received, and direct mail piece lifespan in the home averages 17 days (USPS Mail Moments Review 2024). MPA runs voter data as a managed service. Send us the voter file your campaign already has, or tell us the universe you need and we acquire a targeted voter list for the race. Either way our team does the processing, you approve the counts, and the same facility that cleans the data prints and mails the piece.
Campaigns arrive with voter files in every shape: county exports, consultant spreadsheets, party downloads. Send what you have. Our team standardizes the layout, repairs addressing, CASS-certifies every record, and reports exactly what is mailable before postage is spent. You approve final counts before anything prints.
Need a universe instead of a file? We source targeted voter lists built from official state voter file data, filtered by district, party affiliation, vote history, age, and household criteria, delivered mail-ready. Campaigns searching for bulk voter list rental usually need exactly this: a one-race universe, licensed for the campaign's use, sourced and mailed by the same vendor. Describe the universe in plain language, like consistent primary voters in two commission districts, and we build it.
Every list, brought or acquired, runs the same gauntlet before it earns postage: CASS address certification, NCOA change-of-address screening, vacancy suppression, and duplicate removal. Movers get caught on screen, not returned from the mail stream after the money is spent. The cost of hygiene is a rounding error next to the postage it saves.
One mailbox with three registered voters does not need three identical postcards. We dedupe to the household when strategy calls for it, then segment what remains by precinct, party, vote propensity, or your consultant's model scores. Those segments feed the variable data engine: up to 100+ versions in a single drop, each speaking to the voters it reaches.
The managed-service part is literal. Send the file the way it exports: CSV, Excel, a fixed-width dump from a county system, even a consultant's tab-delimited export with three header rows. Our team maps the fields, confirms the record count back to you, and returns a processing summary showing what was standardized, what was suppressed, and why. Nothing mails until you have approved the counts. Campaign treasurers get the same paper trail as the mail plan: list source, quantity mailed, and date of USPS entry, matched to the invoice for campaign finance reporting.
"Campaigns lose more money to a stale voter file than to any print decision. Our data team sees approximately 94% match rate on NCOA processing, and a cleaned list typically reaches 98.5% deliverability after NCOA hygiene. Every undeliverable piece is postage spent persuading a mailbox that no longer exists, which is why the file gets cleaned before a single sheet is printed."
Cat Boye, Head of Commercial Operations, Mail Processing Associates
NCOA is built on USPS change-of-address data; USPS documents the product at postalpro.usps.com. Voter data is handled under the same controls as our regulated work: SOC 2 Type 2 certified (Vanta-managed, audited annually). Start with the list you have: the free mailing list health check grades a file in minutes, and our mailing list services page covers sourcing and licensing in depth.
Political mail is unforgiving. The calendar does not move, the disclaimer rules do not bend, and a missed drop cannot be un-missed. Campaigns choose a production partner on three things: can they hold a deadline, do they get compliance right before the press runs, and have they done this long enough to be trusted with a race.
Mail Processing Associates has run print and mail production for 35 years from its Lakeland, Florida facility. Political cycles come and go on a fixed rhythm, and a partner who has produced through many of them knows where the failure points are before they happen. Experience on the calendar is the asset that matters most in political work.
Over 10 million mail pieces a year move through this facility for more than 700 lifetime business customers. When a campaign needs a six-figure persuasion drop turned in days, capacity is not a question. The Q3 capacity crunch that strands campaigns at understaffed shops is not a constraint here.
Data processing, print, mail prep, and USPS entry happen under one roof on one schedule, serving campaigns and committees in all 50 states from a single Lakeland facility. No vendor handoffs means no finger-pointing when a drop date is at risk, and no lost days in the gap between a printer and a separate mail house.
Campaign mail does not arrive in a clean brief with three weeks of runway. It arrives as a near-final design, a voter file that still needs cleaning, a disclaimer that has not been legal-reviewed, and a drop date that is already tight.
The political mail services that succeed are the ones built for that reality: fast data hygiene, prepress that catches indicia and disclaimer problems before plates are made, and a firm internal calendar that absorbs last-minute approval churn without moving the in-home date. That is the operating model here.
The campaigns that plan early get a partner that holds the line. The campaigns that come in late get the same answer most shops cannot give in October: yes, and here is the exact day it lands.
Search for the best political mail company and every result claims fast turnaround and campaign experience. Claims are free. The full-service political mail vendors that actually hold drop dates share six verifiable traits, and every one of them can be checked before you sign, not discovered in October.
A full-service political mail vendor prints and mails in the same building. Vendors who print well but hand finished pieces to a separate mail house add a handoff, and handoffs are where tight calendars break. Ask where the presses sit and where the mail gets prepared. At MPA both answers are the same Lakeland facility, with digital presses running up to 120 pages per minute color.
The fastest mail is entered closest to the source. MPA enters mail directly at the USPS Business Mail Entry Unit (BMEU), and direct BMEU entry eliminates middleman handling, reducing transit time and improving in-home dates by 1-2 days versus dropping at a destination delivery unit. Ask any prospective vendor where and how your mailing physically enters the postal system.
Fast is a claim; a production window is a commitment. Ask for standard and rush windows in writing, and ask what happens to your job in peak season. MPA commits to 3 to 5 business days for First-Class mail from approved art and data, with 24-48 hour rush production available. Work the schedule backward with the free mail date planner, then hold every vendor, us included, to the dates.
Political work leaks in unglamorous ways: a shop-floor photo, a client list on a website, loose talk at the front counter. Ask how competing races are separated, whether NDAs are offered, and what happens to your data after the job mails. Our answers: separate production areas, NDAs on request, no client lists published, and files deleted after delivery.
Your counsel decides what the disclaimer says. A serious vendor makes sure it prints correctly and flags problems before the press runs, because a reprint costs days the calendar does not have. Ask how prepress checks disclaimers, indicia, and mail-piece design. Federal disclaimer basics live at fec.gov and USPS design standards at pe.usps.com; a vendor fluent in both saves you from learning either the hard way.
If a vendor sends your data out for processing, your voter file sits in a third party's hands and your calendar depends on their queue. Data work belongs in the same building as the press: CASS, NCOA, dedupe, and segmentation handled by the same team that prints the piece the next morning. It is also the confidentiality question in disguise: fewer hands on the file, fewer places it can leak.
"The first thing I would ask any political mail vendor is where your job physically enters the postal system. We enter every job directly at the USPS Business Mail Entry Unit (BMEU), and that direct entry is typically worth 1 to 2 days on the in-home date compared with a shop that drops mail at a destination unit. In a close race, those are the days between landing before early voting starts and landing after."
Alec Boye, President, Mail Processing Associates
Business mail entry, presort, and drop-entry standards are published in the USPS Domestic Mail Manual at pe.usps.com. The receipts behind our answers: 35 years of mail production, a Veteran-Owned Small Business, a Florida State Mail Contract holder, and 5.0 stars across 100+ verified Google reviews.
Use this table to pressure-test any vendor, ours included. If a scenario in the left column cannot be matched with a written production window, the mail plan has a hole in it.
| Campaign scenario | Mail class that fits | MPA production window | Ask any vendor |
|---|---|---|---|
| Planned persuasion sequence, 4+ weeks out | USPS Marketing Mail letter or self-mailer | 5 to 7 business days | What is your standard window in peak season, in writing? |
| Fundraising appeal or donor letter | First-Class Mail letter | 3 to 5 business days | Do you presort in-house and enter directly at USPS? |
| Late-window persuasion, inside 2 weeks | First-Class Mail postcard | 3 to 5 business days | When is the last day my art can change? |
| Opposition response or final GOTV push | First-Class Mail, rush production | 24 to 48 hours | Can you document a 24-48 hour turn you have actually run? |
| Saturation of whole precincts, no list | EDDM saturation | 3 to 5 business days | Is route planning included, or another handoff? |
Score a vendor honestly against these six criteria and the field narrows fast. Most shops clear one or two. The one-roof test eliminates printers with no mail operation; the USPS entry test eliminates mail houses that stage through someone else's dock; the in-writing test eliminates anyone whose peak-season answer is a shrug. A campaign does not need the biggest vendor in the state. It needs the one whose answers stay the same in October, when capacity is the whole ballgame and every claim gets tested at once.
Almost every missed political mail drop traces back to the same short list of avoidable mistakes. None of them are about the press. All of them are about planning and compliance caught too late.
A campaign signs off on the creative but the legal disclaimer is still a placeholder. The job cannot run, the calendar keeps moving, and the days lost waiting on counsel come straight out of the in-home window. Lock disclaimer language at the same time as the art, not after.
A raw or stale voter file still needs hygiene before it can mail cleanly. Skipping that step does not save time, it moves the delay to the worst possible moment. Send the file the day the drop is decided, not the day it is due.
Planning from when the art is ready instead of from election day is how GOTV mail lands the day after the polls close. The only date that is fixed is election day. Every other date is built backward from it.
A printer and a separate mail house means a handoff, and a handoff in a tight political calendar means a day lost and a finger to point. Single-roof production removes the seam where most political deadlines actually break.
Every political mail budget is three numbers: postage, printing, and mail prep. Postage is the anchor, set by USPS Notice 123 and published at pe.usps.com, with current prices effective July 12, 2026. Printing and prep move with format, paper, and quantity, which is why the exact quote depends on quantity, format, and route. The postage anchors below are what campaigns should plan around this cycle.
The largest line on nearly every campaign mail budget, and the one set by USPS rather than the vendor. Class choice, presort depth, and piece format decide it. A vendor who presorts in-house and enters mail directly earns the deepest rates your list qualifies for, and passes the postage through at cost.
Driven by format, size, paper, and quantity. Digital production makes 100+ versions cost the same to run as one version, so precinct-level messaging is a strategy decision, not a budget decision. Plan the full sequence at once and unit costs fall as combined quantities climb.
List processing, addressing, presort, tray and container work, and USPS documentation. This is the line where cut-rate vendors quietly underinvest, and it is exactly where drop dates are won or lost. At MPA this work happens in the same building as the press, on the same schedule.
| Format and class | Per-piece cost | Best political use | Speed notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| First-Class Mail letter, presorted (Mixed tier) | $0.707 postage | Fundraising appeals, donor letters, compliance-sensitive mail | Fastest class; the default inside the final two weeks |
| First-Class Mail postcard, presorted (Mixed tier) | $0.495 postage | GOTV reminders and quick-turn persuasion | First-Class speed at a lower rate than the letter |
| USPS Marketing Mail letter, presorted (Mixed tier) | $0.467 postage | Multi-touch persuasion sequences planned weeks ahead | Slower than First-Class; give it calendar room |
| EDDM saturation through MPA | About $0.29 per piece for EDDM, bundled program price | Every-door coverage of whole precincts, no voter list needed | Route-based saturation; pairs well with targeted mail |
USPS Marketing Mail postcard rates and nonprofit tiers are quoted per job. The presort tier shown is Mixed, the tier most campaign-size runs qualify for; denser sorts qualify for lower postage, and your quote reflects whatever your list actually earns.
"Postage is the biggest line on a political mail budget and the one a good vendor actively manages. The spread between a Marketing Mail letter at $0.467 and a First-Class presorted letter at $0.707 is real money across a county-wide universe, but so is the speed difference. My rule of thumb: Marketing Mail for the persuasion sequence while the calendar is friendly, First-Class once you are inside the final two weeks."
Alec Boye, President, Mail Processing Associates
Two ways to stretch a mail budget. First, match the class to the calendar stage instead of paying First-Class prices for mail that has weeks of runway. Second, let saturation carry the geography plays: where a whole precinct needs coverage, EDDM saturation mailing reaches every address on a carrier route without a voter list. Response benchmarks favor the medium too: direct mail earns a 9% average response rate for B2C house lists (DMA Response Rate Report 2024), and a campaign's identified-supporter universe behaves a lot like a house list. Postage prices the same in July as it does in October; production windows do not stay open that long.
Popular formats for political campaigns include yard signs, door hangers, postcards, and brochures. Browse the full product lineup to plan a job.